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February 16,
2001
Honorable Kevin
G. Miller
Chairman,
Senate Privileges and Elections Committee
General
Assembly Building, Room 304
Capitol
Square
Richmond,
Virginia 23219
Re: H.B.
2568, "Stand By Your Ad"
Dear Chairman
Miller:
It is our understanding
that the Privileges and Elections Committee is considering H.B.
2568, which purports to reduce negative campaign advertisements
by expanding the disclosure rules in television, print and radio
advertisements.
H.B. 2568 should
be abandoned because it infringes upon the constitutional rights
of individuals who purchase political advertisements in Virginia
and does not satisfy the requirements of the U.S. Constitution.
The Bill is overbroad and will have the effect of chilling speech
by imposing a unique burden on political speech with minimal if
any gain by the State.
Constitutional
free-speech guarantees play the essential role in our society of
ensuring the formation of opinions and decisions free from government
manipulation. The United States Supreme Court has long recognized
that "compelled disclosure, in itself, can seriously infringe
on privacy of association and belief guaranteed by the First Amendment."
Buckley v. Valeo, 424 U.S. 1, 64 (1976). More recently, the Supreme
Court has recognized that one of the purposes of the First Amendment
is "to protect unpopular individuals from retaliation Ï and
their ideas from suppression Ï at the hand of an intolerant majority."
McIntyre v. Ohio Elections CommØn, 514 U.S. 334, 357 (1995). Justice
Stevens notes the importance of the decision of an individual not
to disclose his/her identity when he writes that "[t]he decision
in favor of anonymity may be motivated by fear of economic or official
retaliation, by concern about social ostracism, or merely by a desire
to preserve as much of ones privacy as possible."" Id. at 341-42.
Because the
proposed legislation contained in H.B. 2568 will directly restrict
or otherwise burden core political speech and associational rights
and it is a facially content-based restriction on political speech,
the First Amendment provides its highest protection, and its most
unforgiving scrutiny for restrictions on such speech. See, Meyer
v. Grant, 486 U.S. 414, 425 (1988) (First Amendment protection of
core election speech is "Âat its zenithØ" and the burden
to justify restrictions on such speech is "well-nigh insurmountable.")
If there are any state interests that may overcome First Amendment
protection of political speech, such interests must be of the absolute
first order, consistently and rigorously defended by the state,
and clearly and presently threatened in a demonstrable manner. "Where
at all possible, government must curtail speech only to the degree
necessary to meet the particular problem at hand, and must avoid
infringing on speech that does not pose the danger that has prompted
regulation." Federal Election CommØn v. Massachusetts Citizens
for Life, Inc., 479 U.S. 238, 265 (1986).
No such state
interest exists here. The loss of anonymity coupled with the added
expense of the expanded disclosure requirements is a significant
burden not outweighed by any benefit to the State. In fact, the
alleged State interest of reducing negative political campaign ads
flies in the face of the most fundamental tenets of First Amendment
protections encapsulated in language from the Federalist Papers
to the most recent judicial precedents.
It is difficult
to understand how the requirements of H.B. 2568 could conceivably
deter actual corruption or the appearance of corruption in the election
process. Advertising is, by its very nature, public for all to see,
and the State's interest against "corruption" is already
addressed through less problematic measures.
Virginia can
and does meet the State's substantial interests by expressly prohibiting
fraud in campaign advertisements and by imposing registration and
reporting requirements to inform the public where the money for
such advertisements comes from. With regard to such reporting requirements,
the Supreme Court notes that "[t]hough such mandatory reporting
undeniably impedes protected First Amendment activity, the intrusion
is a far cry from compelled self-identification on all election-related
writings." McIntyre, 514 U.S. at 355. The imposition of expanded
disclosure requirements is overly burdensome and not narrowly tailored
to serve an overriding state interest.
Further, the
proposed legislation insults the intelligence of Virginians by assuming
that they cannot evaluate the message in the absence of the expanded
disclosures. "The simple interest in providing voters with
additional relevant information does not justify a state requirement
that a writer make statements or disclosures she would otherwise
omit." Id. at 348.
For the foregoing
reasons, we believe that passage of H.B. 2568 will impose a burden
on political expression that the State has failed to justify. We
have attempted to objectively outline legal strictures and precedents
in an effort to avoid costly and acrimonious litigation for taxpayers
and ourselves. We strongly urge you to consider the constitutional
implications of the proposed legislation and the likelihood of the
proposal being overturned by a court.
Founded in 1998,
the Center for Individual Freedom is a non-partisan, non-profit
organization with the mission to examine and focus attention on
individual freedoms and individual rights guaranteed by the U.S.
Constitution. Of particular importance to the Center are constitutional
protections for the freedom of speech, most especially in the context
of political campaigns.
Sincerely,
Renee L. Giachino
General Counsel
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